Wednesday, October 10, 2012


Philippines: Dealing with the oil crisis


Our dependency on oil has never been more excruciating than it is today.
The price of fuel has reached unheard of heights. The price of crude went above US$139 a barrel recently, before easing. At the pump, the price of unleaded gasoline in the Philippines has gone beyond P56 and diesel above P49. We are now consuming over 120 million barrels a year, and 90% of that is sourced outside the country.
What is causing this unprecedented rise in global oil prices? The key factor seems to be that the demand for oil is rising much faster than its supply, and this is due fundamentally to the fact that the few old oilfields on which the world relies for most of its oil are being depleted and no new fields have been discovered that can match their production and reserves.
Peak oil, which was viewed just a few years ago as an outlandish theory, is now being treated as fact.
The second factor pushing up prices is the rush to buy oil futures contracts, a development that is partly determined by the fear that available oil will increasingly become scarce,
partly by the desire of investors to park their wealth in oil instead of the declining dollar.
Deregulation
We ought not to be completely helpless, however. What is so shocking about the current state of affairs is that our capacity to influence developments in oil has deteriorated from 25 years ago. Then we had a pro-active energy strategy, we had a government energy complex working to diversify our energy sources and we had mechanisms to influence the domestic price of oil.
Today, in the era of oil deregulation, we are 100% at the mercy of Chevron-Caltex, Shell and Aramco, which controls Petron — the Philippines formerly state-run oil company. The OPEC countries that dominate the production of crude are often cast as the villains, yet the last few years have been years of record profits for the oil majors.
In the first three months of this year, the five largest US oil companies made a record $36 billion in profits, prompting the Democrats in Congress to push a bill to impose a 25% tax on "unreasonable profits".
In the Philippines, the subsidiaries of the majors have been doing very well. In 2007, Shell's net profit rose 54% over 2006, from P4.12 billion to P6.36 billion. Petron's net profits rose 6.3%, from P6.02 billion to P6.4 billion. These are the reported figures, not necessarily the real profits, which are most likely higher.
The major oil companies act as a cartel and pretty much set whatever price they agree on, with no government intervention and little monitoring. All our officials can do is to exercise what economists call "moral suasion", but we still have to find an oil company that will allow itself to be swayed by morality.
In the US, it takes four to six weeks before a rise in the price of crude is reflected in the pump price. In the Philippines, with the rapid succession of pump price rises, the truth is we no longer know how prices are being determined.
We don't know if prices are being determined in response to actual past rises in crude prices or in anticipation of future price rises. Non-transparency is the rule in the oil industry.
Privatisation
Former dictator Ferdinand Marcos was guilty of many crimes, but, as they say, we must give the devil his due. His regime did have a pro-active energy strategy and an effective energy bureaucracy.
The fact that it blundered big-time in the case of the Bataan nuclear plant should not blind us to the positive aspects of the regime's approach to energy. Instead of building on these positive aspects, succeeding regimes, in the name of the free market, committed three major blunders: Cory Aquino dismantled the state energy complex and deregulated oil, and Fidel Ramos sold a controlling interest in Petron shares to foreign interests.
Petron was more than just a very profitable enterprise, the crown jewel of the state corporate sector. Being involved in nearly all phases of the oil business, Petron knew what reasonable prices and profits were. Controlling 40% of the market, Petron set its price and the oil majors tended to follow.
Today, what power the government has was summed up by energy secretary Angelo Reyes: "It has to be the market that dictates the price. [But] we can't be helpless and not act when there's unreasonable pricing. That's our job, monitoring prices and dialoguing" with the oil majors. I guess this is
what is called moral suasion.
So given this self-inflicted, grim scenario, what should we do?
Whatever it is, we can't let it be a piecemeal and largely reactive response, like passing out a one-time P500 to poor families. It must be comprehensive, with short-term and long-term components.
Let me share some suggestions with you, and here I take no credit for originality, having lifted these recommendations from different people. Also, let me say here that these suggestions do not constitute official Freedom from Debt Coalition recommendations, but are my own thoughts.
First the short term. There are several important proposals that are worth considering. One popular one is that the value added tax (VAT) be abolished on fuel.
This would certainly result in significantly lower prices and thus benefit the consumer, but only if pricing is being done in a transparent manner. The problem is that with a cartel that is extremely non-transparent in fixing prices, we have no way of checking if the removal of VAT is being reflected in the pump price.
Thus the removal of VAT should be accompanied by a measure of re-regulation. The oil companies must obtain the government's permission to raise prices. To determine whether the proposed price increase is fair and reasonable, the government must have access to the oil companies' costing data.
The objective is not to control prices, but to correct the current situation of windfall profits and make the oil majors share the burden of the rise in the price of crude with the consumer rather than passing this all to the latter.
Public transport
There are other short-term measures, among them the designation of service stations where public transport vehicles can purchase oil at subsidised prices, with the subsidy being financed by money re-channelled from debt servicing.
There are said to be over 1000 designated stations at present. They should be increased.
Among the more strategic moves we can undertake is to undo one of our biggest mistakes. The government, which currently owns 40% of Petron, must regain a controlling interest and management control of that firm. This will mean a quantum leap forward in bringing price rises under control, since it will mean state influence on some 35-40% of the market. Petron can again be the price leader.
There are fears that this will invite retaliation from Saudi Arabia, but I think these are overblown. The Saudis will talk if the price is right and repurchasing Petron can also be financed from re-channeled debt service payments. A "re-Filipinised" Petron will be able to diversify our oil sourcing and make preferential deals with countries like Venezuela, which is now selling oil to certain counties at 40% off the world market price.
Another strategic move is to begin to radically shift from oil to electric power in transportation. Priority must be placed on enlarging the electricity-run train and bus transportation system, with the necessary investments coming from resources that would otherwise go to debt service payments.
This expansion could be coordinated with the popularisation of the use of bicycles for relatively short distances from stations to residence or the office. Where the shift from oil to power is not yet feasible, we must move to convert a significant part of the bus and jeepney fleet from gasoline and diesel to cheaper CNG and LPG. Incentives should also be put in place to convert private vehicles into CNG and LPG.
Finally, we should reconstitute the Department of Energy, one with real power in comparison to the monitoring agency now headed by Angelo Reyes. A re-Filipinized Petron could form the core of this new reconstituted agency that would be tasked with comprehensive planning to bring down energy prices, diversify our energy sources and manage our energy consumption to mitigate climate change.

Impact of the Middle East Crisis on the Philippine Economy


chaos on a street in Libya

The Philippine economy might be threatened, like the rest of the world, by the ongoing political turmoil in the Middle East and North Africa. Most of these counties are major oil-producers.  They are responsible for 36% of global oil output and 61% of proved reserved in 2009 according to Statistical Review of World Energy by BPI PIc. Saudi Arabia, the largest world’s oil producer, holds one-fifth of the world’s oil. Iran, with an output of 37.2 million barrels per day, is OPEC’s second largest, while Libya is 8th with an output of 1.6 million barrels per day. As of yesterday news of the escalation of violence in Libya sent the oil price soaring above $105 per barrel.  It could trigger a cascade of price increases on various commodities and services making life more difficult for the average Filipinos.

The future of the Filipino Overseas Workers or OFWs hangs in the balance as a consequence of the tension in this region.  Due to the lack of better opportunities at home many Filipinos are forced to work temporarily or permanently abroad. Middle East is a prime destination for our skilled and unskilled workers.  According to POEA reports in 2008 alone 631, 828 Filipinos were deployed in this part of Asia. As of June 2010 there are around 6,000 Filipinos in Egypt, 31,000 in Bahrain, 1,400 in Yemen and around 26,000 are in Libya

Because of the large number of Filipinos working out of the country, remittances from them became the major pillar of the Philippine economy, contributing to more than 10% of the country’s gross domestic product. In 2010 total OFW remittance has reached US$18.8 billion. Remittances are money sent home to support the families they left behind in the Philippines. Here is the breakdown of Middle East OFW remittances based on Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas data for the year 2010 (in thousand dollars):

Middle East____________2,964,341
Saudi Arabia___________1,544,34
Qatar_________________246,807
 Bahrain______________   157,232
  Kuwait________________ 106,486
 Oman__________________  5,760
 Jordan_________________   3,175
 Libya__________________   1,045
 Egypt___________________   381
 Iraq____________________    292
  Iran____________________    160
    Yemen___________________    61

The United States and countries of the European Union have already advised their citizens to get out of the danger zone due to unrelenting violence and mayhem in Libya. Some have already started sending chartered planes and ferries to fetch their nationals.  Meanwhile, our Department of Foreign Affairs are still on a waiting game not having declared an emergency evacuation of Filipino workers yet. Only a travel ban to Bahrain, Libya and Yemen was issued so far. was issued. But it would be inevitable as the situation turns more perilous. However, it could mean loss of job for each individual worker and loss of revenue for the country as well.

Manuel Villar, chairman of the Senate trade committee, has called on the trade, energy and labor departments to come up with a comprehensive study and concrete proposals on how an escalation of hostilities between protesters and government forces in these countries could impact on the national economy and the welfare of OFWs.

The Management Association of the Philippines (MAP) said that the Philippines must be prepared in case there will be a recurrence of the 1973 oil crisis, and should reduce dependence on fossil fuel.

“Better prepared than sorry when the unwanted scenarios happen”, said the MAP.


Emergency powers for PNoy urged amid 'looming oil crisis'

MANILA, Philippines - Two congressmen said on Friday that the House of Representatives should be prepared to grant President Benigno "Noynoy" Aquino III emergency powers in case the situation in oil-producing Middle East and North Africa worsens.
"If the situation escalates into a crisis especially since oil has a direct impact on the day-to-day lives of our people, Congress should also consider granting the President with emergency economic powers to address our oil and energy problem,” Western Samar Rep. Mel Senen Sarmiento said in a statement.
Sarmiento said that the energy and finance departments should already prepare worst-case-scenario contingency measures in case the situation in countries such as Bahrain and Yemen worsens.
He said the contingency plan should include oil rationing and the temporary reinstitution of the Oil Price Stabilization Fund (OPSF).
The OPSF was established under the Marcos dictatorship in response to the rapid rise of global oil prices in the 70s. To control domestic oil prices, it worked as a subsidy, paying oil firms whatever additional cost they incurred whenever international crude prices went up.
However, as prices abruptly rose, the fund was easily depleted, forcing the government to put tax money to replenish it. This, in turn, resulted in massive fiscal deficits for the country.
Only temporary power
Another lawmaker, Kasangga party-list Rep. Teodorico Haresco, said he supports Sarmiento's proposal to grant Aquino emergency powers, albeit only temporary.
He said Aquino can be given a "90-day temporary emergency power" to realign some budget items for oil emergency inventories.
The congressman also recommended that government-owned and -controlled corporations like the Social Security System (SSS) and the Government Service Insurance System (GSIS) should invest in oil stocks in the oil futures market and some corn and soya stocks in the Chicago futures market.
He added that the Department of Trade and Industry-Philippine International Trade Center should also conduct regional trade swaps on phosphate and other fertilizer supplies to ensure the food supply stability in the event of a severe oil crisis.
"We should not treat the situation in the Middle East very lightly because if the crisis worsens and spreads even further, countries that are reliant on oil imports will be in deep trouble," Haresco said.
He added: "For the Philippines, this means higher power rates, higher core inflation and higher on everything that might necessitate fiscal managers to appreciate peso to mitigate runaway inflation bur at the same time seriously erode OFW purchasing power resulting in deflation."
DoE says no supply disruption
The proposals of the two congressmen came amid assurance from the Department of Energy (DoE) that the present unrest in the Middle East and North Africa will not disrupt local oil supply.
Unrest in Libya, Bahrain and Yemen erupted in the past few weeks. Libya is the third-largest oil producer in North Africa.
However, the Philippines does not source its crude oil imports from these strife-torn countries.
In fact, in 2010, 81% of the Philippines' crude came from Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates, Qatar, Oman and Iran, the DoE explained. Another 12% came from Asian neighbors, while the rest was sourced from Russia.

Reference:
1.www.abs-cbnnews.com › Business
2.www.greenleft.org.au/node/39791
3.kyoto-seas.org/pdf/14/4/140405.pdf
4.your-insights.blogspot.com/.../impact-of-middle-east-crisis-on....
5.www.businessinsider.com/gas-signs-1970s-2011-8?op=1

Thursday, October 4, 2012

Maguindanao massacre




Maguindanao

Map of the Philippines with Maguindanao highlighted
LocationAmpatuan, Maguindanao,Mindanao, Philippines
DateNovember 23, 2009
approx. 10:00 am – 3:00 pm (UTC +8)
TargetEsmael Mangudadatu's family members, supporters, journalists
Attack typeMassacre
Weapon(s)Small arms
Deaths58
Esmael Mangudadatu's family members and supporters, and accompanying journalists[1]
InjuredAt least 4[specify][citation needed]
Suspected perpetratorsAndal Ampatuan, Jr. and his clan
Number of participantsapprox. 100
The Maguindanao massacre, also known as the Ampatuan massacre after the town where the mass graves were found,[2] occurred on the morning of November 23, 2009, in the town of Ampatuan in Maguindanao province, on the island of Mindanao in the Philippines. While the victims were on their way to file a certificate of candidacy for Esmael Mangudadatu, vice mayor of Buluan town, they were kidnapped and brutally killed. Mangudadatu was challenging Datu Unsay mayor Andal Ampatuan, Jr., son of the incumbent Maguindanao governor Andal Ampatuan, Sr., in the forthcoming Maguindanao governatorial election,[3] part of the national elections in 2010. The 58 people killed included Mangudadatu's wife, his two sisters, journalists, lawyers, aides, and motorists who were witnesses or were mistakenly identified as part of the convoy.
The Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) has called the Maguindanao massacre the single deadliest event for journalists in history.[4] At least 34 journalists are known to have died in the massacre.[5] In a statement, CPJ executive director Joel Simon noted that the killings, "appears to be single deadliest event for the press since 1992, when CPJ began keeping detailed records on journalist deaths."[4] The CPJ further noted that, "Even as we tally the dead in this horrific massacre, our initial research indicates that this is the deadliest single attack on the press ever documented by CPJ."[4] Even before the Maguindanao massacre, the CPJ had labeled thePhilippines the second most dangerous country for journalists, second only to Iraq.[4]

[edit]
The Ampatuans had been in control of Maguindanao since 2001. 
Andal Ampatuan, Sr. came first into prominence when PresidentCorazon Aquino appointed him as officer-in-charge of Maganoy (now Shariff Aguak) in 1986 right after the People Power Revolution. Aquino, having come into power via revolutionary means, replaced every locally elected official with officers-in-charge, although the town of Maganoy was approached differently; the aging mayor, Pinagayaw Ampatuan, was replaced by his vice mayor, Andal Sr. He won the1988 local elections, then served for ten years. In the 1998 elections, Andal Sr. was elected as governor.

Members of Lakas-Kampi-CMD, President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo lists Andal Sr., as a major ally in Mindanao. Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) regional governor Zaldy Ampatuan was the party's regional chairman. Andal Sr., the family patriarch, has been provincial governor since 1998; he has been elected three times, unopposed. Eighteen of the mayors in Maguindanao belong to the clan. The elder Ampatuan attributed his popularity to "popular support," adding "Because I am so loved by the constituencies of the municipalities, they ask me to have my sons as representatives." In the 2004 presidential elections, Arroyo won 69% of Maguindanao's vote; three years later, the party-backed coalition scored a 12-0 sweep of the senatorial elections in the province. Unable to run for a third term, he is currently grooming his son, Andal, Jr., to succeed him as governor.[7][8]
With escalating tensions in the province, Arroyo, as head of the Lakas-Kampi-CMD, mediated between the Ampatuans and the Mangudadatus (both are from the same party) to prevent election-related violence. Three meetings were held in mid-2009, with one meeting hosted by then Secretary of National Defense and current party chairman Gilberto Teodoro, who ran to succeed Arroyo as president but was defeated by current president, Noynoy Aquino. Arroyo's adviser for political affairs Gabriel Claudio, disclosed that there was an initial agreement "in principle" that no Mangudadatu would contest Ampatuan Sr.'s gubernatorial post.[9]

[edit]Attack

Location of Buluan, the origin of the convoy, in Maguindanao.
Location of Shariff Aguak, the destination of the convoy, in Maguindanao.
Location of Ampatuan, the location where the massacre took place, in Maguindanao.
Buluan Vice Mayor Esmael "Toto" Mangudadatu invited 37 journalists to cover the scheduled filing of his certificate of candidacy (COC) at the Commission on Elections provincial office in Shariff Aguak. He said reports had reached him that his rivals had threatened to chop him into pieces once he filed his COC, and felt the presence of journalists would deter such an attack.
A local report stated that at about 9:00 AM, a convoy of six vehicles carrying journalists, lawyers, and relatives of Vice Mayor Mangudadatu left Buluan to file his COC at the Comelec office in Shariff Aguak. The convoy was composed of six vehicles: four Toyota Grandia vans (one grey, one green, and two white) owned by the Mangudadatu family; and two media vehicles – a Pajero owned by DZRH broadcast journalist Henry Araneta and a Mitsubishi L-300 van owned by UNTV. There was a seventh vehicle, a Grandia boarded by mediamen, but it lagged behind and decided to turn around once the passengers sensed what was happening. There were two other vehicles that were not part of the convoy but happened to be traveling on the same highway: a redToyota Vios and a light blue Toyota Tamaraw FX. The Vios had five passengers: Eduardo Lechonsito, a government employee who was bound for a hospital in Cotabato City after suffering a mild stroke Monday morning. He was with his wife Cecille, co-workers Mercy Palabrica and Daryll delos Reyes, and driver Wilhelm Palabrica. The FX was driven by Anthony Ridao, employee of the National Statistics Coordination Board, and son of Cotabato Citycouncilor Marino Ridao.
Before reaching its destination (about 10 km from Shariff Aguak, four on other versions), the convoy was stopped by 100 armed men, who abducted and later killed most or all of its members.[5] There is evidence that at least five of the female victims, four of them journalists, were raped before being killed,[10]while "practically all" of the women had been shot in their genitals[11] and beheaded.[12] Mangudadatu's youngest sister and aunt were both pregnant at the time of their murders.[13]
In a text message sent by Mangudadatu's wife to him, she identified the people that blocked their way as the men of Ampatuan Jr, and that he himself slapped her.[14]
A backhoe located in the immediate vicinity of the carnage at Ampatuan town was identified as the instrument that was used to dig the graves of the victims two days beforehand, and then to bury them, including the vehicles.[15] The perpetrators weren't able to complete the job when a helicopter was spotted in the area. The backhoe, emblazoned with the name of Maguindanao Gov. Andal Ampatuan Sr., was later identified to belong to the Maguindanao provincial government.[16]
As of November 25, the death toll had risen to 57, as confirmed by Chief Superintendent Josefino Cataluna of the Philippine National Police.[17][18][19]Reporters Without Borders announced that at least 12 of the victims were journalists, making this the deadliest such incident in the history of news media.[20] The National Union of Journalists in the Philippines originally estimated that a total of 20 journalists were killed, including an undisclosed number of NUJP members.[18] The Philippine Daily Inquirer later updated the number of journalists killed to 34.[5]
On November 24, Philippine president Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo responded to the news of the massacre by declaring a state of emergency in Maguindanao, Sultan Kudarat and Cotabato City.[19] Speaker of the House Prospero Nograles called on the police to quickly identify the perpetrators of the massacre and disarm private armies.[21] The Philippine Department of Justice created a panel of special prosecutors to handle cases arising from the massacre.[22]

[edit]Aftermath

Nueva Ecija Rep. Eduardo Nonato N. Joson said the massacre might affect, or even lead to the cancellation of, the scheduled 2010 presidential elections.[21] Candidates in the election condemned the massacre.[23]
On Wednesday, November 25, 2009, the executive committee of the Lakas-Kampi-CMD political party unanimously voted to expel three members of the Ampatuan family – Maguindanao Gov. Datu Andal Ampatuan Sr. and his two sons, Gov. Datu Zaldy Uy Ampatuan of the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) and Mayor Andal Ampatuan Jr. – from the party for their alleged role in the Maguindanao massacre.[24] An emergency meeting of the Lakas-Kampi-CMD was held in Pasig, during which the Ampatuans were stripped of their membership.[4]
On Thursday, November 26, 2009, Ampatuan Jr. surrendered to his brother Zaldy, was delivered to adviser to the peace process Jesus Dureza, then was flown to General Santos on his way to Manila, where he was taken to the National Bureau of Investigation (NBI) headquarters.[25][26] Police in the Philippines charged Andal Ampatuan Jr. with murder.[27]Ampatuan denied the charges, claiming that he was at the provincial capitol in Shariff Aguak when the massacre took place. He instead blamed the Moro Islamic Liberation Front(MILF), specifically Ombra Kato, as the mastermind, a charge the MILF dismissed as "absurd."[28][29]
Mangudadatu successfully filed his certificate of candidacy at Shariff Aguak on November 27. He was accompanied by Lakas-Kampi-CMD chairman and presidential candidate Gilberto Teodoro, along with a caravan of 50 vehicles, to "ensure his safety."[30]

[edit]Declaration of martial law

On December 4, 2009, through Proclamation No. 1959, President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo officially placed Maguindanao province under a state of martial law, thereby suspending the writ of habeas corpus.[31] Executive Secretary Eduardo Ermita said the step was taken in order to avert the escalation of "lawless" violence in the province and pave the way for the swift arrest of the suspects in the massacre.[32][33] Following the declaration, authorities carried out a raid on a warehouse owned by Andal Ampatuan Jr.[34] The raid resulted in the confiscation of more than 330,000 rounds of 5.56x45mm NATO ammunition, a Humvee, and an improvised armored vehicle. Twenty militiamen were arrested on the premises.Captain James Nicolas of Special Forces was able to retrieve more high powered firearms and ammo after the incident.[35] The state of martial law in Maguindanao was lifted on December 13, 2009.

[edit]Media fundraising

UNTV-37 arranged a fund-raising concert at the Araneta Coliseum for the families of 32 media men who perished in the attack.

[edit]Legal proceedings

At least 198 suspects, including Andal Ampatuan Jr. and Andal Ampatuan Sr. and several other members of the Ampatuan clan, have been charged with murder. In April 2010, the government dropped murder charges against Zaldy Ampatuan and Akhmad Ampatuan who had presented alibis. This led to protests by family members of the victims.[36]
Senator Joker Arroyo has remarked that with nearly 200 defendants and 300 witnesses, the trial could take 200 years.[37] Prosecution lawyer Harry Roque has computed that it would last more than 100 years.[38] In a statement commemorating the massacre, the Center for Media Freedom and Responsibility remarked that the trial was "ongoing, but is rather moving slowly."[39]
Andal Ampatuan Sr. was arraigned in a special court inside a Manila maximum-security prison on June 1, 2011, 18 months after he and a dozen family members were arrested over the killings. After a court clerk read the names of the 57 victims, he was asked to enter a plea and responded in English, “Not guilty.”[40]
As of 23 November 2011, two years after the massacre, only Andal Sr. and his son Andal Jr. had been charged, and some 100 of the 197 persons listed on the charge sheet were still unaccounted for.[41]
On June 28, 2012, the Court of Appeals dismissed the petition of Anwar Ampatuan to have the murder charges against him quashed.[42][43] Anwar Ampatuan is the grandson of former Maguindanao governor Andal Ampatuan Sr., and is charged with 57 counts of murder. He was arrested in August of 2012. In September 2012, the Quezon City Regional Trial Court deferred his arraignment pending resolution of a pending motion to determine if there is probable cause to prosecute him for the charged 57 counts of murder.[44]

[edit]Victims

[edit]Mangudadatu family and associates

NameDescription
Genalyn Tiamson-MangudadatuWife of Esmael Mangudadatu.
Eden MangudadatuMunicipal Vice Mayor of Mangudadatu, Maguindanao, sister of Esmael Mangudadatu.
Rowena Mangudadatucousin of Esmael Mangudadatu.
Manguba MangudadatuAunt of Esmael Mangudadatu.[45]
Faridah SabdulahLawyer[46]
Farida MangudadatuYoungest sister of Esmael Mangudadatu.[45]
Farina MangudadatuAnother sister of Esmael Mangudadatu.
Concepcion “Connie” Brizuela, 56Lawyer.[47]
Cynthia Oquendo, 36Lawyer.
Catalino OquendoCynthia Oquendo's father.
Rasul DaudDriver of Sultan Kudarat Rep. Pax Mangudadatu.[45]

[edit]Journalists

Thirty-four journalists are known to have been abducted and killed in the massacre, according to the Philippine Daily Inquirer and only 25 have been positively identified so far.[5]
NameDescription
Alejandro "Bong" Reblando,[5] 53Manila Bulletin correspondent,[48] a former Associated Press reporter.[49]
Henry AranetaDZRH correspondent based in General Santos City[5]
Napoleon “Nap” Salaysay [5]DZRO manager.
Bartolome “Bart” MaravillaBombo Radyo Koronadal, South Cotabato.[5]
Jhoy DojayGoldstar Daily.[5]
Andy TeodoroMindanao Examiner & Central Mindanao Inquirer reporter.[5]
Ian SubangMindanao Focus, a General Santos-based weekly community newspaper.[5]
Leah DalmacioMindanao Focus reporter.[5]
Gina Dela CruzMindanao Focus reporter.[5]
Maritess CablitasMindanao Focus reporter.[5]
Neneng MontanoSaksi weekly newspaper reporter.[5]
Victor NuñezUNTV reporter.[5]
McDelbert "Macmac" ArriolaUNTV cameraman.[5]
Jolito EvardoUNTV editor
Daniel TiamsonUNTV driver
Reynaldo MomayKoronadal-based journalist.[5]
Rey MeriscoKoronadal-based journalist.[5]
Ronnie PeranteKoronadal-based journalist.[5]
Jun LegartaKoronadal-based journalist.[5]
Val CachuelaKoronadal-based journalist.[5]
Santos "Jun" GatchalianDavao-based journalist.
Joel Parcon [5]Freelance journalist.
Noel Decena [5]Freelance journalist.
John Caniba [5]Freelance journalist.
Art Betia [5]Freelance journalist.
Ranie Razon [5]Freelance journalist.
Archie Ace DavidFreelance "Tambay" journalist.
Fernanado "Ferdz" MendozaFreelance driver.

[edit]Red Toyota Vios

Number of casualties: 5. They were supposedly mistaken as part of the convoy.[50]
NameDescription
Eduardo LechonsitoTacurong City, Sultan Kudarat government employee.
Cecille LechonsitoWife of Eduardo Lechonsito.
Mercy PalabricaCo-worker of Eduardo Lechonsito.
Daryll delos ReyesCo-worker of Eduardo Lechonsito.
Wilhelm PalabricaDriver.

[edit]Human Rights Watch report

On November 16, 2010, the international non-governmental organization Human Rights Watch issued a 96 page report titled "They Own the People", charting the Ampatuans’ rise to power, including their use of violence to expand their control and eliminate threats to the family’s rule.[51] The report links the Ampatuans to at least 56 other killings over the last 20 years, apart from the November 23, 2009 massacre.[52]

[edit]In popular culture

History Asia premiered a documentary on the Maguindanao massacre entitled The Maguindanao Massacre on September 26, 2010.[53]

[edit]See also

[edit]References

  1. ^ Jimenez-Gutierrez, Jason (November 23, 2010). "Philippines mourns massacre victims". Philippine Daily Inquirer. Retrieved 23 November 2010.
  2. ^ Analyn Perez (November 25, 2009). "The Ampatuan Massacre: a map and timeline". GMA News (gmanews.tv).
  3. ^ Jimenez-David, Rina (November 24, 2009). "Understanding the unbelievable".Philippine Daily Inquirer. Retrieved 24 November 2009.
  4. ^ a b c d e Papa, Alcuin (2009-11-26). "Maguindanao massacre worst-ever for journalists". Philippine Daily Inquirer. Retrieved 2010-09-30.
  5. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w x y z aa Zonio, Aquilies (2009-11-24). "Inquirer man recounts harrowing tales of survival". Philippine Daily Inquirer. Retrieved 2009-11-25.